The deceased US vice-president Dick Cheney, who died at age 84, was considered among the most powerful holders of that office in the nation's history. While countless vice-presidents had to settle for minor or ceremonial functions, Cheney wielded enormous power during the term of George W Bush, to the point that he was often referred to as the "true president".
Bush objected to such a characterisation and said the dynamic was more complex. He noted that Cheney was deferential, invariably referring to him in public settings as President, while he called him as Dick. Bush disputed even characterisations of their relationship as a collaboration because it indicated that they were on equal footing. Despite these objections, Cheney considered the easygoing president malleable on a broad range of governmental choices.
The Aftermath of 9/11
At the head of a group of conservative hawks that encompassed Pentagon chief Donald Rumsfeld and Pentagon second-in-command Paul Wolfowitz, he vigorously promoted the armed incursion of Iraq in 2003 in response to the terrorist strikes on New York and Washington. When of the 9/11 assault, Bush had been taking part in a gathering at a educational institution in Florida. As Bush traveled to a secret bunker in Nebraska, Cheney took charge, commanding the destruction of any non-communicating aircraft heading toward the US Capitol.
Cheney said the assaults changed him, making him become focused on retribution. In conjunction with other neo-conservatives, such as Rumsfeld and Wolfowitz, he lobbied for a takeover of Afghanistan in an effort to capture Osama bin Laden. Cheney then vigorously pushed for the military action of Iraq, although there was insufficient indication of Saddam Hussein having involvement.
Disputed Decisions
He voiced no apologies about the invasion, in which an estimated 100,000 Iraqis lost their lives, and not about the harsh treatment of detainees apprehended after 9/11. He informed CNN in 2015 that the Iraq invasion effort, which was founded on faulty intelligence echoed by Cheney, was the correct path to take. "It was the proper decision to do back then. I believed it back then and I hold that view presently."
But even at the time, there were opposing views at a high level about the botched execution of Iraq. One of the administration's own representatives to the Middle East, General Anthony Zinni (2001-03), was not retained from the post. "I witnessed, at a minimum," he subsequently stated "clear negligence, negligence, and unaccountability: potentially, lying, incompetence, and dishonesty."
Broader Context
Cheney was not completely responsible for the Iraq military action. Before 9/11, Wolfowitz had advocated for such action. He had drafted a memo outlining circumstances in which national priorities might be endangered (featuring "obtaining essential resources, mainly Persian Gulf oil"). Wolfowitz had asserted that "America should be prepared to act independently when cooperative measures cannot be arranged," specifically mentioning defense operations against Iraq.
Bush also had assumed the Oval Office generally inclined on implementing what his predecessor had notably declined to do in 1991; topple Saddam. After he had been fired by the president, the Treasury head Paul O'Neill revealed how, at the opening session of the National Security Council in January 2001, Bush had stated his objective of reducing America's engagement in the regional tensions and proposed armed intervention against Iraq.
Bush held a personal grudge against Saddam, convinced he had been responsible for a scheme to kill his parent, President George HW Bush, on a journey to Kuwait in 1993. He also disliked that one of the most prominent accommodations in Baghdad had a ground design with a image of his father's countenance that everyone had to walk over.
Investigation Approaches
Yet it was Cheney who was part of the most vociferous behind attacking Iraq, frequently referencing intelligence reports that were whether thin or entirely deceptive. He supported what the Bush White House euphemistically referred to as "intensive questioning", the application of simulated drowning and torture.
Addressing a Senate document in 2014 that determined that no useful information had come from the interrogation methods, Cheney dismissed the report as "full of crap". He informed Fox News: "We asked [the CIA] to implement measures and put in place programmes to catch the perpetrators who killed 3,000 of us on 9/11 and ensure it was not repeated. That's exactly what they did and they earn a lot of credit."
Public Persona
Cheney enjoyed monikers given to him by detractors such as the Star Wars villain and the sinister presence, and by the notion that he was a sinister influence manipulating Bush. In the journalist's 2013 book about the duo, Days of Fire: Bush and Cheney in the White House, Cheney is quoted as saying: "Do I represent the malevolent mastermind in the shadows that operates invisibly come out of his domain? It's a effective way to operate, in fact."
Business Interests
Dispute over his corporate affiliations accompanied him through his period as second-in-command. Although he had limited background in commerce but strong connections in security, especially in Saudi Arabia, he was offered a position at Halliburton, one of the world's largest energy conglomerates, in 1995 as leader and top executive.
In 2000 he assumed the role of Bush's VP candidate for the presidency. Controversially, during the Iraq war, Halliburton was awarded US agreements totaling multiple billions.
It significantly boosted his finances. His annual income during his period at the firm increased from his quarter-million dollars when he was Pentagon chief to $4.4m. When he resigned in 2000 he had a severance arrangement totaling more than $20m|twenty
